The 29th Summer Olympic Games
will be held in Beijing, and
indeed, it is going to be a great
event that stays close concerns
with China's democratization. In
the current issue, Beijing Spring
featured "Beijing Olympics and the
Process of China's
Democratization" as front page
headline and proposed the articles
of "The Super-Politicized Beijing
Olympics" written by Liu Guo-Kai;
"Pageantry of the Olympic Games
Manifests the Perverseness of
Dictatorship" written by Guo Yong-Feng
from Shenzhen and; "Examining 100
Years of Olympics" written by Gong
Sheng-Li from Guangzhou.......
Table
of Contents
From the Chief Editor
03. Writing after the May 12th
Great Earthquake of Wenchuan / Hu
Ping
From the President
04. Happy Birthday to Beijing
University / Wang Dan
Front Page Headline:
06. The Super-Politicized Beijing
Olympics / Liu Guo-Kai
11. Pageantry of the Olympic Games
Manifests the Perverseness of
Dictatorship / Guo Yong-Feng
(Shenzhen)
16. Examining 100 Years of
Olympics / Gong Sheng-Li
(Guangzhou)
19. Public Survey Regarding
Beijing Olympics and the Process
of China's Democratization
Political Situations in China
20. Appeals Regarding the Great
Earthquake of Szechwan
21. A Consolatory Letter from the
Dalai Lama Regarding Szechwan's
Earthquake
22. What Have the China-Tibet
Talks Illustrated? / Hu Ping
27. The Historical Achievements
and Indiscretion of China's Labor
Contract Law / Qiao Xin-Sheng (Wuhan)
33. The Communist Party of China
Will Not Rehabilitate June 4th /
Cao Wei-Lu (Hebei)
35. Letter to Hu Jin-Tao from
Phuntso Wangye Regarding Tibetan
Problems
44. China's Democratization and
the Future of Tibet / Xue Wei
About China
48. Story about the Night before
the Burst of 1989 / Fang Li-Zhi
55. Love at the Age of Tyranny /
Chen Dao-Jun (Szechwan)
56. "The Chief of Religion Bureau"
Has Become "The King of Lies" / Yu
Jie (Beijing)
Historical Testimony
61. Bid Farewell to Bo Yang, Cry
Again for Ruo-Wang and Bin-Yan /
Yu Hao-Cheng (Beijing)
62. Seventy-Year Anniversary of
"The Rape of Nanking" / Fan
Bai-Hua (Jiangsu)
International Vision
67. The Influence of China's
Political Military Affairs on
Japan / Qin Jin (Australia)
71. Lawyer Li Jin-Jin Talked about
the Lawsuit Filed against CNN by
Chinese People / Qian Qiu
74. The Open Letter to Lawyers Hai-Ming,
Ralph, and Charles / He Zhe
Cross-Straights Relations
75. Xiao Wan-Chang's Trip of "Boao
Forum" was Quite an Achievement /
Shang He-Zhe
Democracy Wall
79. Glad to See Wang Qian-Yuan /
Liu Qing
81. We are Not the Slaves of
Country / Yang Yin-Bo (Szechwan)
84. How to Confront with Western
Pride and Prejudice / Enjoy the
West Wind Alone (Szechwan)
85. Inquiries into the Great
Earthquake of Szechwan for the
Chinese Authorities / Niu Qiang
Commemorate Fifty-Year
Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement
87. Tracing the Rightists'
Situation (15) / Zhou Su-Zi (New
Zealand)
Readings
95. Recommending the Web Site of
"China Famine 1956-61" / Shu Chong
96. Inspirations from Reading the
Advises of Li Rui / Chen Hua-Dong
(Henan)
Literatures
98. The Holy Torch / Gao Ying
98. Speechlessness of the Ordinary
People / Lin Quan
Brief Messages
99. Yang Jian-Li's Speech on His
Departure for Gongmin Walk
100. Notice Regarding the 13th
General Assembly of Chinese
Alliance for Democracy
101. Brief Messages
106. Fund-Raising for the Statue
of Chinese Democracy
Readers, Writers, and Editors
106. Letters Received
Members of Beijing
Spring's Advisory Board
Fang
Lizhi, professor of physics at
University
of Arizona. As the former vice president of
Chinese University of Science and Technology,
he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement
and then was forced to seek refuge in the
American Embassy for about a year after the
June 4 crackdown.
Guo
Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who
was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman
Deng Xiaoping because of his political opinion.
In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for
human rights abuses in a Federal Court of
law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard
University.
Smarlo Ma Smarlo Ma is pen name of Mr. Yi Ma.
Joining the CommunistParty of China
in 1937, he became Director of the
Library of the Anti-Japanese Military
and Political College in Yan-an in 1938.
He formally left the Party in 1943. as
a well known expert on the history of
the Communist party of china, he has
often been invited to present papers
in international conferences of Asian
specialists. He has published mora than 20 books.
Perry Link,
professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton
University. He specializes in 20th-century
Chinese literature and is very concerned with
human rights condition in Mainland China.
Liu Qing, Chairman
of the Executive Committee of Human Rights
in China. As a democracy promoter and a close
ally of Wei Jingsheng, he had been jailed
by Chinese government for almost ten years.
Andrew Nathan,
professor of Political Science and Director
of East Asian Institute at Columbia University.
His teaching and research interests include
Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative
study of political participation and political
culture, and human rights. He has published
numerous books and articles on China's politics.
Situ Hua,president
of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic
and Democratic Movement in China. Mr. Situ
is a member of the Hong Kong legislature and
an important leader of the Democratic Party
of Hong Kong.
Su Shaozhi,
chairman of Princeton China Initiative. Once
served as the director of the Institute of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, he is
a leading liberal political theoretician in
China.
Su Xiaokang,
a Chinese writer well known for his epic The
River's Elegy, a critical television program
about China's political and cultural evolution.
As an active participator in the 1989 democracy
movement, he was forced to leave China. Now
he is a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative
and publisher of the bi-monthly journal "The
Democratic China".
Yang Liyu,professor
of East Asian Studies at Seton Hall University
Yu Ying-shi,
professor of history at Princeton University.
Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny
of the Chinese communists after he left China
in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown
on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted
himself into helping the fled Chinese activists
to settle down in the U.S and setting up the
Princeton China Initiative.
Members of Beijing
Spring's Editorial Board
Yu
Dahai, Publisher of Beijing Spring and
assistant
professor of economics at Tufts University.
Graduated from Beijing University and received
a Ph.D. degree from Princeton University,
he served as Chief Editor of Beijing Spring
from June 1993 to June 1996 and then as President
from June 1996 to September 2002. He is founding
president of the Chinese Economists Society
and former president of the Chinese Alliance
for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.
Wang Dan,President
of Beijing Spring since September 2002. As
a student leader from Beijing University in
the 1989's Democracy Movement, he was on the
most wanted list of the Chinese government
after the June 4 crackdown. After being imprisoned
for political reasons from July 1989 to February
1993 and again from May 1995 to April 1998,
he came to the United States ad is now a doctoral
student in Harvard University.
Hu Ping,Chief
Editor of Beijing Spring since 1996 and a
regular commentator for Radio Free Asia. Received
a Master's degree in philosophy from Beijing
University and studied at Harvard University,
he was once the Chief Writer of Beijing Spring
from June 1993 to June 1996. He is former
president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy
and the China Spring magazine.
Chen Kuide,
fellow of Princeton China Initiative and program
host for Radio Free Asia. As once the Chief
Editor of Shanghai's Thinker magazine, he
actively took part in the 1989 democracy movement.
He later received a Ph.D. degree in philosophy
from Fudan University.
Zheng Yi,member
of the Princeton China initiative and a famous
political critic. He once wrote articles to
expose the cannibalism in Guangxi during the
Great Cultural Revolution in China. As an
important leader of the 1989 democracy movement,
he was forced to leave China in 1992.
Xue Wei, Manager of Beijing Spring since
1993.
He was imprisoned in Sichuan for ten years
for "counter-revolutionary activities"
in the 1970's. He was among the founding members
of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and
the China Spring magazine and has always served
as a leader in promoting Chinese Democracy
Movement dating back 1982.
This Month
Brief of No. 181
Translated by Soo Chong
1. Front Page Headline: Beijing Olympics and the
Process of China's Democratization
The 29th Summer Olympic Games will be held in Beijing,
and indeed, it is going to be a great event that stays
close concerns with China's democratization. In the
current issue, Beijing Spring featured "Beijing
Olympics and the Process of China's Democratization"
as front page headline and proposed the articles of
"The Super-Politicized Beijing Olympics" written by
Liu Guo-Kai; "Pageantry of the Olympic Games Manifests
the Perverseness of Dictatorship" written by Guo Yong-Feng
from Shenzhen and; "Examining 100 Years of Olympics"
written by Gong Sheng-Li from Guangzhou. In addition,
Beijing Spring issued the "Public Survey Regarding
Beijing Olympics and the Process of China's
Democratization" prepared by Beijing Spring Editorial
Board as the efforts of understanding public
viewpoints regarding this significant task.
Liu Guo-Kai's article refuted the situation where the
CPC regime reprimanded its criticisms from Chinese
democrats and international community as
"politicizing" Olympics; pointing out that throughout
the history, Olympics has long been politicized,
especially while hosting the Olympics in autocratic
nations. A nation's regime strongly involves in the
host, and precisely the government is then the one to
host the sports tournament. Throughout the decades,
politicization of Olympic Games has crossed the
international boundary, and it has become a venue and
a tool for competitions among dominant and powerful
countries as well as national blocs. The major mode of
representation is precisely boycotting the Olympic
Games. The first boycotting at a national level
occurred in the 16th Olympic Games held in Melbourne
in 1956. The 1980 Moscow Olympics encountered boycott
from western countries headed by the United States in
protest at the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and
China took part in the boycott. In the 1984 Los
Angeles Olympic Games, the Soviet Union and its
Eastern Bloc partners including Bulgaria, East
Germany, Vietnam, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Mongolia,
Laos, Afghanistan, South Yemen, and Cuba, refused to
compete in the Los Angeles Olympics as a revenge for
the Moscow boycott, but China participated in the
Olympic Games. 1988 Seoul Olympics encountered boycott
from North Korea, with Cuba, Ethiopia and Nicaragua
supporting North Korea. Along with the rapid
democratization of former Soviet Union and several
countries in Eastern Europe, Cold War between the
great two blocs of Soviet Union as well as Europe and
the United States came to an end; politicization of
Olympics at an international relation level was
descending. The author pointed out that the 11th
Olympic Games were held in Berlin in 1936. Hitler
fully took advantage of the Olympics to gild its Nazi
regime - exhibiting the national power of Nazi regime
by hosting the Olympics to deter the opposition power
inside and outside the country. Hitler's Nazi regime
originated the Torch Relay ceremony; and it then
became a highly integrated master work of sports
tournament and national regime. No past Olympics was
as grand the extent as the coming 29th Beijing Olympic
Games. The CPC possesses the very similar attitude
with the then Hitler regime; having wanted to make a
great sum of political side money by hosting this
Olympic Games. Autocratic nations have stronger
interest in Olympics politicization than democratic
nations do. After Los Angeles obtained the rights to
host the 23rd Olympics, government of the United
States was parsimonious. Yet, the CPC regime was able
to arbitrarily assemble whole China's human, physical
and financial resources to manage Olympics regardless
of any price and cost. The nave international
community would inevitably be disappointed while
confronting with the super-politicized Beijing
Olympics.
Gong Sheng-Li's article traced back to the immortal
game rules of Olympics that have lasted for more than
a century; believing that it violates the embodiment
of the Olympics motto - "faster, higher, strong", if
Olympics was "nationalized", "politicized", or "patriotized";
it too violates the highest allegory of Olympics for
"peace and friendship". The author pointed out that
Olympics is a global sports tournament among various
countries in the world, and it does not possess any
kind of relations with "patriotism" and "traitor".
Hosting the Olympics may not be part of the "poison"
of nationalism. Besides, the Olympic Torch has no
certain relations with patriotism. We shall not attach
the trademarks of "patriotism" or "traitor" to the
Olympics Torch Relay. No matter how many medals are
won in the Olympic Games, it has no relations with
"patriotism" or "traitor", it is only a kind of
‘defeat or victory' for a sports tournament. It has
been an "Olympic Flame" from the beginning, yet, the
Chinese Party officials simply describe it with an
additional "holy"; making it into a holy "allegory of
national pride" that we may never to infringe on;
turning the proper torch world relay into a world
famous ridiculous drama of plundering the holy torch
and of to pledge one's life to defend the holy torch.
The public survey regarding "Beijing Olympics and the
Process of China's Democratization" listed out ten
questions; Beijing Spring Editorial Board hereby
sincerely invites interviewees from all walks of life
and professions to provide us with your precious
opinions. In addition, Beijing Spring would like to
ask, with the premise of guaranteeing the safety of
interviewees, to send the questionnaires back to their
family members and friends in China, and if possible,
have them sent back to Beijing Spring Editorial Board
or e-mailed to Beijing Spring's e-mailbox.
2. Grievously Mourn For the Fellow Victims Died In the
Great Earthquake of Szechwan
On May 12, a massive 7.8 earthquakes hit Wenchuan
County, Szechwan, in the afternoon, causing a great
loss of lives and properties. Overseas pro-democracy
movement groups and individuals expressed gracious
condolences to their fellow victims. In the column of
"Political Situations in China", Beijing Spring issued
"Appeals Regarding the Great Earthquake of Szechwan"
proposed by some overseas pro-democracy movement
activists and "A Consolatory Letter from the Dalai
Lama Regarding Szechwan's Earthquake". In the column
of "Democracy Wall", we issued the article of
"Inquiries into the Great Earthquake of Szechwan for
the Chinese Authorities" from Niu Qiang.
The appealing letter called for the Chinese government
to cancel the Olympic Torch Relay or its similar kinds
of superficial events and projects that tire people
and cost fortune during 16-18, June within Szechwan
province; instead, transfer all sorts of governmental
and social sources to really implement rescue in the
disaster areas. Meanwhile, they called for the
immediate permission of the Chinese government for
international professional rescue team to enter the
disaster areas to take part in the rescue. And again,
they called for the government to promptly eliminate
all kinds of media news blockade including the
Internet, and to increase government transparency, in
order to return to rights for knowing the truth to
Chinese people and the rights to protect their very
own lives and properties while encounter disasters.
In the consolatory letter, the Dalai Lama expressed
his deep mournfulness to the wounded victims and the
many lives that were lost in the recent catastrophic
earthquake. He expressed his deep sympathy and sincere
lament to the families affected by this massive
earthquake. Also, the Dalai Lama prayed for those who
have wounded and for those lives that have been lost
in the earthquake.
Niu Qiang's article pointed out that currently in
front of an unprecedented catastrophe, there is this
Central Propaganda Department that goes against people
is still implementing the policy that goes against
people: every single piece of written and photographic
reports from the frontline reporters, have to go
through censor from the propaganda officials before
meeting with the civilians. What to report and what
not to report have all been controlled by the
bureaucrats in the Central Propaganda Department. The
scale and depth of news reports are measured by the
bureaucrats. The Central Propaganda Department that
derides people has to first of all be destroyed if
people in the disaster areas want to obtain immediate
rescue and, if China wants to proceed to civilization.
The article proposed that the again and again rescue
opportunities were wastefully missed under the
bureaucracy of Seismology Bureau officials; that was
exactly why there was no forecasts and preventions for
the recent catastrophic earthquake, and the factor for
people in the disaster areas to sustain an
unprecedented loss of lives and fortunes. The article
also asserted to lawfully punish those Seismology
Bureau officials who have been a true dereliction of
duty.
3. China's Democratization and the Future of Tibet
In the column of "Political Situations in China",
Beijing Spring issued "What Have the China-Tibet Talks
Illustrated?" proposed by Hu Ping; "Letter to Hu
Jin-Tao from Phuntso Wangye Regarding Tibetan
Problems" and; "China's Democratization and the Future
of Tibet" proposed by Xue Wei.
Hu Ping's article analyzed the dramatic changes that
occurred in the recent Tibetan incidents: the Central
Government was recently ready to keep in touch with
the Dalai Lama's private representative for possible
negotiations. Hu Ping believed that if the Dalai Lama
was indeed a criminal of separatism who planned the
riots and tried to ruin the Olympics, the Chinese
government for sure wouldn't want to converse with
Him; since the Chinese government was wiling to have
talks with the Dalai Lama, it showed that the
Communist government have actually known that the
Dalai Lama was not a criminal who planned riots and
tried to ruin the Olympics. During the past few years,
the Chinese government had talks with representatives
of the Dalai Lama for six times, we could see that the
Chinese government has long known that the Dalai Lama
was not demanding on independence but only demanding
on high-level autonomy. The article pointed out that
riots in Lhasa that happened this spring was not
engineered by the Dalai Lama behind the curtain. The
March 14th violence was definitely not premeditated,
but was spontaneous; it was not organized in advance,
but was a kind outburst that was directly provoked
only while peaceful protests encountered violent
suppressions. Never could we expunge the consistent
non-violent and peaceful protests that insisted by
Tibetans just because of the March 14th riots.
Phuntso Wangye is a famous Tibetan politician, a
scholar, one of the leaders during the advance of
People's Liberation Army to Tibet in the 50s, and a
witness of "17-Point Agreement for the Peaceful
Liberation of Tibet". He was investigated by the CPC
authority in 1958 and was jailed in Qin-Cheng Prison
in 1960; he obtained political rehabilitation and was
released from jail in 1978. In recent years, Phuntso
Wangye have written three letters to Hu Jin-Tao
regarding Tibetan problems, the one letter that
Beijing Spring published in the current issue was the
one he wrote in 2004. The letter conveys the author's
very own points of view on some appropriate solutions
to resolve the concerns regarding the Dalai Lama, the
Tibetan Government in exile in India, and more than a
hundred thousands Tibetan fellows in exile. The
author's fundamental viewpoints were: various ethnic
groups shall integrate but not segregate under the
historic prerequisites of New China, with strictly
abiding the premise of ethnic equality, and the Han
Chinese shall be long-sighted to totally overcome the
reactionary policy of Old China's Han chauvinism in
the successive dynaties, in order to take care of and
to unify benefits of various ethnic groups and
benefits of the country. The author proposed that
especially on the spiriual domain, Tibetan Buddhism
for hundreds of throusands of years have deeply
permeated and reflected to various domains of the
whole Tibetan society and in the lives of Tibetans.
The political status of the ascended incarnation of
the Dalai Lama and its profound influence are holy and
prestigious in the minds and hearts of Tibetans. The
author suggested the Tibetan problems being solved
while the Dalai Lama is still in His being and shall
not be delayed, in order to prevent serious
consequences.
Xue Wei's article was his actual speech at the
"International Conference on Human Rights in Tibet"
held in Taipei on September, 2007. In his speech, Xue
Wei again asserted the three principles that he
proposed regarding unification and independence on the
"2nd International Conference of Tibet Support Groups"
held in Boen, Germany in June, 1996. The first was the
"principle of democracy"; Tibetans have the rights to
decide their own destinies and their ways of living.
In order to acknowledge their rights to decide
nationality, other ethnic groups may not take care of
it on their behalf. The second was the "principle of
peace"; the idea opposes to resolving any kinds of
conflicts regarding unification and independence
through military forces, never could one order troops
to commit massacre or to suppress ordinary civilians.
The third was the "principle of transition"; if a
divergence in opinions occurred and could not be
solved in a short period of time, one may allow a long
term negotiation. First of all, one may achieve
Tibet's high-level autonomy under the premise of
mutual respect in harmony, and later on further
discuss the answers for resolving the problems.
China's future democratic government must respect the
choices that Tibetans made. Those principles are
equivalently suitable for Taiwan.
4. Comments on Xiao Wan-Chang's Trip of "Boao Asia
Forum"
In the column of "Cross-Straights Relations", Beijing
Spring issued the article of "Xiao Wan-Chang's Trip of
‘Boao Forum' was Quite an Achievement" prepared by our
contributing author, Shang He-Zhe. The article pointed
out that Xiao Wan-Chang, Taiwan's elected vice
president, as the identity of "Cross-Straights Common
Market Foundation Chairman" arrived in Hainan, China,
to participate in "Boao Asia Forum" and advance to a
historic talk with Hu Jin-Tao, President of the
People's Republic of China; it was an "ice-breaking
trip" that allowed the long-time frozen
Cross-Straights Relations to thaw. The meeting of Xiao
and Hu had opened up a new window for the long
stagnant Cross-Straights Relations, and it indeed had
a positive value for Taiwan regarding the trip of Boao.
We were able to tell that China's fundamental idea was
to receive Xiao's visit as Taiwan's governmental
leader by observing the way and the norm of receptions
that the Beijing had offered. In comparison of the
meeting of Hu Jin-Tao, as the identity of
General-Secretary of the CPC, with Lian Zhan, the
Nationalist Party Honorary Chairman, the symbolic
connotation of "Hu Xiao Meeting" was much more
abundant; not only has it broken through the history
that the highest-level officials of Cross-Straight had
never gotten in touch with each other, but has also
increased the possibility of bringing forth
Cross-Straight Relations. The article proposed that
"Xiao Hu Meeting" was again a significant breakthrough
for Cross-Straight Relations ever after Lian Zhan and
Song Chu-Yu visited Mainland China. With this, Beijing
had expressed "enough respect" to Taipei; Hu Jin-Tao
had Xiao Wan-Chang conveyed his regards to Ma Ying-Jiu,
and this is the first time ever the elected president
of Republic of China received the CPC's potential
acknowledgement; ‘Xiao Hu Meeting' has established a
great direction for Cross-Straight Relations to move
toward a peaceful development; the historic
significance of ‘Xiao Hu Meeting' was indeed matting a
brand new path for Cross-Straight Relations, thereby,
it is possible to form a historic turning point for
exchange history of the Cross-Straight.
5. Lawyer Li Jin-Jin Talked about the Lawsuit Filed
Against CNN by Chinese People
On April 9, Cafferty, a commentator of CNN, the
American News Network, responded "I think they're
basically the same bunch of goons and thugs they've
been for the last 50 years" when asked to comment the
United States' relation with China; Liang Shu-Bing, a
Chinese-American citizen in New York, and Li Li-Lan, a
Chinese citizen in Beijing, brought a lawsuit against
Cafferty and CNN through Hai-Ming Law Firm based in
New York to the United States Federal Court Southern
District of New York on April 24, as the
representatives of the so-called "1.3 billion Chinese
people" to seek a compensation of US$ 1.3 billion. On
May 9, lawyer Hai-Ming suddenly announced his will to
apply for dismissing the case; Li Li-Lan in Beijing
agreed to withdraw from the case, whereas Liang Shu-Bing
in New York did not agree with the case dismissal.
Beijing Spring's contributing reporter Qian Qiu had an
exclusive interview with Li Jin-Jin, a New York based
professional lawyer, regarding some legal questions
that involved in the lawsuit. In the column of
"International Vision", Beijing Spring issued "Lawyer
Li Jin-Jin Talked about the Lawsuit Filed against CNN
by Chinese People" composed by Qian Qiu and "The Open
Letter to Lawyers Hai-Ming, Ralph, and Charles"
prepared by He Zhe.
Lawyer Li Jin-Jin pointed out that it was not possible
to win the lawsuit for the plaintiffs, and the case
did not fulfill basic legal demands. If talking from
libel-related point of view, lawyer Li Jin-Jin thought
that libel involves people's reputation rights, and it
belongs to infringe to the legal compound. In
traditional basic laws, the establishment of a libel
case normally has to fulfill two requirements: first,
disseminating untrue writings and speeches to third
parties. Second, there is substantial or mental
damage. There is also causation between damage and
libel. As libel involves freedom of expression,
lawsuits related to libel in the United States possess
strong limitations in the constitutions. Libel
lawsuits are unlikely to succeed. When freedom of
expression in the constitutions has conflict with
people's reputation rights, the value of freedom of
expression has heavier consideration. In a free
society, public officials shall accept social
criticism for sure; the value of social supervision is
higher than their reputations. Cafferty's comments
were normal sort of freedom of expression, and
furthermore, he later claimed that his comments were
pointing only at the Chinese government. If the judge
and jury were on his side, the case could not be
established. If the judge firmly believed that
Cafferty's comments were not pointing only at the
Chinese government, the case could not be established
either according to the traditional basic laws, as the
plaintiffs were not able to prove that Cafferty's
comments belonged to libel in the laws. In regard to
whether those two plaintiffs were qualified to
represent all Chinese people, Lawyer Li Jin-Jin
believed that the contradiction of the plaintiffs was
at: they claimed to represent "all Chinese people" in
the lawsuit in the beginning, but later claimed the
issue on the Olympics host, and only represent the 1.3
billion "Chinese people", their assertions were not
identical a first and in the end. The most important
thing was that, "the case of Chinese people sued CNN
in New York" was not able to prove damage. The damages
of 1.3 billon Chinese people have to be proved by each
1.3 billion Chinese people, but not only by a single
government or a couple of people.
He Zhe is an author sojourning in the United States.
In the open letter to Hai-Ming, Ralph, and Charles,
the author pointed out that as a Chinese himself, he
had to find out the very true facts before deciding
whether he was going to take part in the lawsuit filed
against CNN; the author has never known Liang Shu-Bing
and Li Li-Lan, never has he orally or in writing
entrusted these two ladies as representatives for the
lawsuit; the author does not know three of the lawyers
either, and never has he signed for entrusting them as
lawful representatives. Those three lawyers falsely
claimed to be legal agents, completely turned Chinese
people who do not know the truth, including babies,
into the list of plaintiffs; after that made those
people who were unwilling to claim them as
representative to affirm withdrawal, these procedures
were way too contemptible.
Fang Lizhi, professor of physics at University
of Arizona. As the former vice president of Chinese University of Science and
Technology, he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement and then was
forced to seek refuge in the American Embassy for about a year after the June 4
crackdown.
To the Editor:
The purpose of this letter is to say something positive about "Beijing Spring", and this is from
the
bottom of my heart. Over the past 8 years, I have read every issue of the journal. I would at
least
take a glimpse of the title and author of the "Beijing Spring" in the busiest of my times. I would
put every issue of "Beijing Spring" in my living room, making my guests, especially those from the
other side of the Pacific Ocean, become sleepless. One of the members of the Investigation
Committee of my case during the "Cultural Revolution" became a friend of mine and visited me
recently. He spent 3 sleepless nights in reading the "Beijing Spring" journal of the past 5 years,
and he read the journal more carefully than I did. It appears that this journal indeed has its
attractions, or charms, if I can use this word to describe this journal.
"Beijing Spring" is not ideal of course, and not all of the published articles are good ones;
however, the dedication of editors and authors to freedom, democracy, human rights and legal
system
is reflected in every printed word of the journal. This is exactly the attraction of the journal,
especially those readers who have been living in an environment of no press freedom. My thanks are
to those editors and authors who have provided such a window so that the darkness is no longer a
dream for quest of freedom, and more, thinking about the quest for freedom.
Fang Lizhi July 29, 2000
**********************
Yu Ying-shi,professor of history at Princeton
University. Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny of the Chinese
communists after he left China in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown
on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted himself into helping the fled
Chinese activists to settle down in the U.S and setting up the Princeton China
Initiative.
To "Beijing Spring" Editorial Office:
Mr. Editor:
I have received the "7-Year Summary of Beijing Spring" and I would like to express my appreciation
of it. "Beijing Spring" covers a wide range of issues, while it can make in-depth coverage on all
of them. It is not an easy thing to do. Articles on current events are often very sharp and to the
point, and readers are able to obtain a clear idea on the most recent situation and trend in
Mainland China. This contribution is especially helpful to overseas readers, and is indicative to
readers in Mainland China. According to my knowledge, readers in Mainland China are anxious to have
access to your journal. One of my friends recently paid a visit to Xi'an, and detained and
interrogated by the public security bureau; and one of the charges for his arrest was that he sent
"Beijing Spring" journal to one of the dissidents in there. Later it was through the interference
of the US government was he released and returned to the US. I knew about this event in detail and
would like to release this information to you. Besides, articles in your journal on spiritual
analysis, theoretical debate have reached a very high academic level, which should win fair
appraisal. When intellectuals want to seek routes for resolving problems about China, "Beijing
Spring" should be one of the most valuable resources for them to resort to. On the other side,
"Beijng Spring" can be regarded as having inherited the traditions of "Xin Min Cong Bao" and "New
Youth".
I have just returned from a long journey and feel very tired, therefore I am stopping here. The
above words are for your reference only.
With my regards
Yu Yingshi July 31,2000
*********************
Yu Haocheng,well-known legal scholar, former head of
Qunzhong Press of China's Ministry of Public Security.
Beijing Spring: The True Voice of Free People
Yu Haocheng August 1, 2001
Mao Zedong once wrote an article titled 'JOn Uniformity of Public Opinion" .He understood well
that
he who controls public opinion controls people's thought and consequently the whole country.
Accordingly, the half -century totalitarian rule by the Chinese Communist Party created a "silent
China? After Beijing won the sponsorship of the 2008 Olympic Games, the CCP did not relax
political
grip as many had expected. On the contrary, it further tightened control over the news media.
Recently, it even violated an agreement and deleted the comments on human rights in Secretary of
State Powell's speech in Beijing, making it difficult for the Chinese people to know what he had
said.
Beijing Spring is one of the very few journals published by the overseas Chinese living in freedom
to report on the reality of the Chinese society and voice the true feelings of the Chinese people.
Just like Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, Beijing Spring is absolutely needed and not
substitutable for those who no longer want to act deaf and mute, especially for the Chinese
intellectuals. As CCP diplomatic and overseas Chinese affairs personnel as well as their
publications such as Overseas Chinese Daily are spreading all kinds of untruths to deceive the
overseas Chinese, I sincerely hope that Beijing Spring will become better and better. The voice of
free people should never be stifled, and I am hopeful that the time when the "sound of spring" is
heard in Beijing and allover China will come quite soon.
********************
Wang Ruowang, well-known Chinese writer.
Mr. Hu Ping, Chief Editor:
I have reviewed your letter of request for comments. Based on the contents of the "Beijing Spring"
from January to July, I am herein making the following evaluation:
Good articles:
"The Stormy 50 Years of New China" by Li Sheng Zhi, as published on the January issue. This article
utilizes abundant information, its analysis is objective, and the argument is credible.
"The Anti-corruption Show Conducted by the Chinese Communists" by Jin Feng on the April issue. This
article points directly to the target, and revealed the mega corruption scandal concealed by the
Communist Chinese authorities. The information is valuable.
"The Historical Mistake The Communist Chinese Government Made in Eliminating Private Ownership
System" by Zhu Zhezhong on the July issue makes good points and good comparisons. It reveals the
so~rce for the catastrophe in which tens of millions of Chinese people suffered and the false big
words of Zhu Rongji.
Something should be done about the Fa Lun Gong, and since April to June, on each issue, there has
been coverage of the event. There is an 18-page coverage on the April and May issues, while there
are 12 pages on the April issue alone. There is some repetition, and also words from outside of
the
topic.
Please always be aware of the orientation: reveal the criminal nature of the Communist Chinese
authorities and the realization of the ideology of the people.
The above is for reference only.
Wang Ruowang July 27, 2000
**********************
Kam Yiu Yu, weii-known political commentator, former editor in
chief of Wen Hui Daily (Hong Kong)
Let Us Give Beijing Spring
All the Possible Support
Kam Yiu Yu
August 10,2001
During the 1989 democracy movement and the June 4 massacre, I was filled with
anger and grief. As editor of Wen Hui daily in Hong Kong, I secretly
collaborated with a few trusted friends and had the four characters "tong
xin ji shou" (heart hurts, head sickens) printed on the front page of our
newspaper in order to condemn the criminal killings of students and the
suppression of democracy by the Chinese Communist Party. In 1991, I withdraw from CCP, a group I
had served for half a: century beginning with the War of Resistance against Japan, and drifted
over
the Pacific and came to the U. S. Thereafter, I continued to oppose CCP' s one -party totalitarian
rule and its harmful policies and support China's democracy and freedom movement.
Before coming to the U. S. , I was a bit worried, because I was not sure whether, once settled in
the U. S. , I could still have publications to read that report on China's democracy and freedom
movement. Without this kind of publications, I would be insulated from China and forced to give up
following and supporting the movement. Life would be without meaning, political influence would be
unrealistic, and hope would be lost.
I was therefore pleasantly surprised when I saw Beijing Spring magazine. Its
contents showed that the forces of democracy and freedom continued to expand
within China抯 social and academic circles, and that the people continued to wage
their tireless, fearless struggle even after the June 4 massacre. The magazine
also exposed, documented and criticized CCP抯 suppression of democracy movement,
both through imprisonment and through propaganda, throughout China, and reported
on and encouraged Chinese pro -democracy activities allover the world, including
U. S., Europe and Asia.
China's internal and external situation can be so summarized: CCP抯 winter has
arrived. If so, how can Beijing's spring be remote? Those of us who have been
promoting democracy and freedom from overseas can see that we indeed have
helped and encouraged the people in China. At the same time, we clearly need to
do more and better. As writer, we must now make more effort. More specifically,
we must give Beijing Spring all the possible support, so that the friends at
Beijing Spring, who have worked very hard for years, can have the magazine
continued until spring finally comes to Beijing and all China. At that point,
amid the melodies of democracy and freedom, we will help send Beijing Spring
back to Beijing, back to China.
As someone who takes part in the democracy movement through writing, I see clearly that the
overall
trends in and outside of China show that the confrontation between democracy and freedom and
communist dictatorship is now in its final stage. I pledge to work harder to write articles for
Beijing Spring, to expose the cruelty of the CCP rule and explain that China will inevitably
follow
the examples of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. To show my appreciation of the hard work done
by the friends at Beijing Spring, I have decided not to accept any writer's fees for my articles.
It is my hope that the U.S. foundations and overseas Chinese (especially the business people) will
also do their part to support Beijing Spring.
********************
Perry Link, professor of East Asian Studies at
Princeton University. He specializes in 20th-century Chinese literature and is
very concerned with human rights condition in Mainland China.
For eight years Beijing Spring has been, along with Democratic China. Leading journal for people
who
ate seriously interested in a more open, democratic, humane and peaceful China. Its incisive and
well -informed writing not only offers the public good analyses of politics, thought, and society,
it further stands as an important symbol that the rulers in Beijing have no monopoly on speaking
for the Chinese people.
Perry Link,
May, 200l
*********************
Guo Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who
was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman Deng Xiaoping because of his
political opinion. In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for human rights
abuses in a Federal Court of law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard
University.
My View on the Seven- Year Summary of "Beijing Spring"
Guo Luoji
The Seven-Year Summary of"Beijing Spring" truly reflects the process of "Beijing Spring" over the
past 7 years.
As a political commentary journal of China's democracy movement, "Beijing Spring" has done a very
good job. On one side, it inherits the tradition of China's Xi Dan Democracy Wall, keeps contact
with democracy activists in China; on the other side, it takes the advantage of the situation of
freedom of speech overseas to voice extensive views over China's pressing problems, and debates
such theoretical issues of freedom, democracy, human rights and judiciary system; it is the bridge
to connect China's democracy movement between China and overseas. "Beijing Spring" has become the
default spokesman for China's overseas democracy movement at a time when democracy organizations
overseas have split apart and cannot voice an orchestrated view. People in China can only learn
about overseas democracy movement from "Beijing Spring".
"Beijing Spring" has done tremendous work with a limited staff. From the published journal
itself, "Beijing Spring" has developed into a website and Internet forum, and in this way expanded
its influence. It has made the customs check system of the Chinese government, which aims at
resisting freedom and democracy, lose its effectiveness.
I hope "Beijing Spring" will overcome its difficulties and strive to go forward, and will someday
return to its nascent place, Beijing and become a true "Beijing Spring".
July 24, 2000
******************
Andrew Nathan, professor of Political Science
and Director of East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His teaching and
research interests include Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative
study of political participation and political culture, and human rights. He has
published numerous books and articles on China's politics.
Andrew J. Nathan
Suppression of Democratization and Human Rights in China
A Plea for Support for Beijing Spring
Winston L. Yang, Ph. D
Professor of Asian Studies
Seton Hall University
South Orange, NJ 07052
August 12, 2001
Despite the tremendous advances in economic reforms and development in the PRC in recent years,
China's suppression of democratization has been intensified and its human rights record has
worsened. Numerous advocates and participants of the democracy movement have been jailed, and
organizations advocating democratization have been dismantled in China by the Chinese Communist
authorities. Even Chinese -American scholars visiting their homeland have been arrested simply
because of their convictions in democratic reforms. Human rights abuses have been widespread and
thousands of cases have been reported. Numerous Chinese citizens have sought political asylum in
the U. S.
Therefore, one of the major goals of American policy toward China is to move China toward
democratization and respect for human rights. Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and other
organizations have developed programs to advance such goals. Many private American foundations
have
also given grants to support U. S. publications and organizations designed to reach such
goals.
However, many such organizations and publications have been discontinued for lack of sufficient
support.
Beijing Spring, one of the oldest and the most important journals advocating democracy in China,
has
thus become the, last such publication which, too, will cease publication if financial support is
not forthcoming.
Since its initial publication in 1993, Beijing Spring has reached thousands of readers in China,
Hong Kong, Taiwan, North America and Western Europe. Secretly brought into China by those
travelling there, Beijing Spring has become the single most influential publication supporting the
democracy drive in China. It cannot and should not be allowed, therefore, to cease publication.
Otherwise, it will be a fatal blow to the growing democratization movement in China. As a result,
accurate information and active support for democracy and human rights protection will disappear.
The U. S. will never be able to achieve its foreign policy goals toward the PRC.
It is my sincere hope, therefore, that the u. S. Government and American foundations will provide
necessary support to Beijing Spring so that it will continue to extend its great influence and
impact on China's democratization drive. I support its request for financial support
whole-heartedly and without any reservation whatsoever.
Over seven years, Beijing Spring has provided broad coverage of developments at home and abroad
affecting the prospects fro democracy in China. The editors exercised good judgment in focusing on
important trends in politics, society, and thought. The journal reminded its readers that there is
more than one voice representing China in the world today, and more than one way to think about
China' national interests. Perhaps most important, the journal offered itself as one of the few
forums where Chinese could carry out free theoretical debate on issues of their nation's past and
future.
Andrew J. Nathan
July 31,2000
**********************
Liu Binyan, famous writer. He was reporter with
People's Daily, the official newspaper in China before 1987. Because of his
resounding articles on Chinese corruption and brutality, he was criticized,
expelled and barred from publishing. He is now a fellow of the Princeton China
Initiative.
Liu Binyan
On "7-Year Summary of Beijing Spring":
Point 3 of the "7- Year Summary of Beijing Spring", i.e., "Systematically promoting the research
and
debate on major theoretical issues", is one of the most important characteristics of the journal,
and played its role in guiding people in China as well as overseas to find a way to China's
democratization process. However, one of the aspects is not mentioned. "Beijing Spring" has been
revealing the facts in various ways of major events over the past 50 years. Some of the people in
the 30's I met with in Europe and America said that they knew from "Beijing Spring" the truth about
" Anti-Rightist Campaign", "The Big Leap Forward", the Big Famine and the "Cultural
Revolution".
Liu Binyan AUG 1 2000
***********************
Su Shaozhi, chairman of Princeton China
Initiative. Once served as the director of the Institute of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,
he is a leading liberal political theoretician in China.
Su Shaozhi
"Beijing Spring" Editorial Office:
"The 7- Year Summary of Beijing Spring" was received. It reflects the facts, contains sharp
viewpoints, and is a very good article.
The future ofChina's politics depends mainly on the economy, and I hope that the journal will
publish more articles of analysis and reports on China's economic situation, preferably supported
by systematic statistics.
It is a very good thing that your journal has been able to publish numerous articles by mainland
authors. This helps overseas people realize the true situation in China. As one of the authors of
the "Open-up" journal was arrested by the Chinese government, I would suggest that you take
measures to protest the safety of mainland authors.
With my regards,
Su Shaozhi July 13,2000
************************
Yang Yinbo: (Chinese Famous Political Critics)
Eight Suggestions About Current China (Liberty Times)
I always received complaints from many correspondents and democrats about untrusting democratic
reports from overseas media for commercial or political reasons. I advised those media people to
read Beijing Spring much often in order to re-cultivate democratic attitude. From my observation,
Beijing Spring can be called as a banner for famous overseas media. Other magazines such as
Observation, Huanhua Kang, and Democracy China follow.
According to the Beijing Spring Summery mailed from Mr. Xue Wei, Beijing
Spring has five advantages worth other media learning. First, Beijing Spring
paid close attention to Mainland China抯 social and political changes as well as
democracy and human rights movement. Second, it reported in detail current new
development of democratic movement. Third, it follows its plan to push the
discussion of important theories for Chinese democracy. Forth, it paid
attention to two-straits relationship and ethical problems. Fifth, it targeted
at Mainland China and focused on the relationship with domestic readers. I hope
various website, forums and web journals can learn from the above five emphasis
of Beijing Spring.
SEP. 20, 2003 (Liberty Times)
************************
Selected Letters from Readers:
Topic: A letter from a Chinese student in Mainland China
Dear editors of Beijing Spring Magazine:
I am a college student in Mainland China and very excited to know your web site from an accidental
opportunity. Since long time ago, we are unable to understand the facts as a result of Chinese
Communist Party's news blockade and even begin to have some misunderstanding towards the history
under the influence of the Communist Party's propaganda, which controls the truth and makes the lie
believable after repeating 1000 times.
I am a Huangpu Military Academy's descendant. Many relatives of my grandfathers gave their lives
for
our country in the Sino-Japanese War. There are several Kuomintang and Communist Party generals in
my family. After the liberation, they were persecuted and brutally suppressed many times during
multiple movements, especially in the Great Cultural Revolution and the June forth Democracy
Movements, just because they wanted to speak for the people. The Chinese Communist Party called
them
"the persons who should automatically disappear after the liberation".
As theirs posterity, I accepted the patriotic education since childhood and have always hoped to do
something for my motherland. But as a result of my family, it is very difficult for me to contact
the outside. I can not access Internet, not to mention your website. With the help of a foreign
friend, I got your email address. Without any other choices, I had to write to you by email. I hope
that you can help me to know the truth and history with letter or mails. Since my internet
connection is often interfered by the National Security Officers, please think the email contact as
the last option. And also please give me an opportunity to work for the democratic undertaking.
Looking forward to hearing from you.
A patriotic Student in China
************************
Distinguished Democrats Award
Beijing Spring were elected as distinguished democrats reward by Chinese Democracy Educational
Fund
in 2002. The ceremony will be held on May 4 at Holiday Inn Hotel in Los Angeles.
************************
7 Years of "Beiiing Spring": A Summary
[1993-2000]
"Beijing
Spring" Editorial Office, June 2000
In the first half of 1993,
in view of certain changes at that time in the
internal relationship within overseas Chinese
democracy organizations, some editors of "China
Spring", a former overseas democracy journal,
began to publish a new magazine. In May of that
year, "Beijing Spring" made its debut
in New York, USA. Because "Beijing Spring"
was a name of a major democracy journal during
the "Democracy Wall" movement in Beijing
in 1979, the new "Beijing Spring" journal
made its appearance in New York under the same
name. The new "Beijing Spring" retained
characteristics of the "China Spring"
journal as a publication on overseas democracy
movement, except that the "Beijing Spring"
did not belong to a certain democracy organization,
therefore did not play the role of a spokesman
of an organization. This journal serves the overall
democracy movement in China, and since then maintained
a good relationship with various democracy organizations
in China as well as overseas. Over the past 7
years, during the publication process of the 86
issues, "Beijing Spring" has stuck to
the ideal of establishing a new China of freedom,
democracy, human rights and law, and has fully
reported new developments on democracy and human
rights movements in China as well as overseas,
timely introduced new changes in the political,
economical and cultural aspects in the Chinese
society, organized readers to engage in debates
and discussions on major theoretical issued, and
enriched the contents of the magazine, as well
as enhanced communications with authors and readers
in China and overseas, therefore has played an
important role in the participation in and promotion
of China's democracy activities. In the last 7
years, there has been significant change in the
authors, contents, editing and publication, expansion
of edition and circulation of "Beijing Spring",
which has won approval from different walks of
life and readers.
1. Pays Close Attention to Social
and Political Changes in Mainland China and Development
of Democracy and Human Rights Movement
The death of Deng Xiaoping, the
return of Hong Kong and Macao to China, the Convening
of the 15th Representative Conference of China
Communist Party, the Replacement of Zhu Rongji
over Li Peng as Prime Minister, Jiang Zemin's
visit to the US, the release of Wei Jingsheng
and Wang Dan and their exile overseas, US President
Clinton's visit to China, the party organization
movement of China Democracy Party, Fa Lun Gon's
demonstrations, the direct election of the Taiwan
President in 1996, and the peaceful handover of
power in Taiwan in 2000, etc., are major events
that were closely associated with the democracy
movement in mainland China over the past 7 years.
Before and after the occurrence of these events,
"Beijing Spring" timely organized and
published articles to reflect the mainstream viewpoints
from democracy organizations of China as well
as abroad. After Deng Xiaoping's death in 1997,
on the April issue of "Beijing Spring",
23 articles were published over the assessment
of Deng Xiaoping (including articles from "China
Democracy and Freedom Alliance" of Human,
a mainland Chinese democracy organization), and
provided an in-depth view over the impact of this
event on the Chinese society. The column of "Hong
Kong and Macao Commentary" is a new one on
the "Beijing Spring" journal only in
recent years. On the June and August issues of
"Beijing Spring" in 1997, more than
20 reports and articles were published focusing
on the return of Hong Kong to China. After the
convention of the China Communist Party's 15th
Representative Conference, on the November 1997
issue of "Beijing Spring", there was
a special edition on the assessment of the conference.
"Beijing Spring" invited Fang Lizhi,
Yu Haocheng, Liu Bingyan, Su Shaozhi, Zhang Weiguo
and other prominent figures to give their in-depth
views on this event. In December 1997, a special
edition of "Beijing Spring", named "Give
Jiang Zemin A Lesson on Democracy", was published
on Jiang Zemin's visit to the US, reporting in
detail on activities of protest by democracy activists
and American friends throughout the United States,
along with the publication of relevant documents.
"Beijing Spring" also published a special
edition in commemoration of the 40th anniversary
of the " Anti- Rightist Campaign".
The major social changes in Mainland
China that the "Beijing Spring" has
been paying close attention to not only include
those in policy and organizations of the senior
level regime, but also those in the economical
interests and social rights of the grass-root
workers and farmers. In the spring of 1998, at
the National People's Congress and the Political
Consultative Conference, Zhu Rongji replaced Li
Peng as the prime minister of the Chinese government.
This was a significant change in China's politics,
and the world media showed great interest in this.
The May issue of "Beijing Spring" in
1998 provided comprehensive coverage and comment
on this event under the topic of "On the
New Deal of Zhu Rongji". Jin Yaoru, Yu Haocheng
and other political commentators were invited
to make detailed estimates and analysis on the
new "triangle" relationship among Jiang,
Zhu and Li within the Communist Chinese leadership,
political and economic problems that Zhu Rongji
was going to face, and the possibility of a new
situation that Zhu Rongji was expected to create
to the Chinese political system. On the March
and April 1998 issues of "Beijing Spring",
the journal organized debates on "reform
versus rights of workers and farmers" and
"overview on Mainland China" respectively.
Numerous trade union leaders, during the 89' democracy
movement, who were then engaging in workers' movement
in Hong Kong, to provide comments and analysis
on the campaign of workers' layoff and the workers'
movement in mainland China, and on the serious
social problems of violation of farmers' rights
during the reform, appealing for ordinary Chinese
people who were suppressed and exploited. The
large-scale flooding in the summer of 1998 brought
tremendous catastrophe to the Chinese society
and economics. On the October issue of "Beijing
Spring", we provided a comprehensive review
over this "natural disaster and artificial
catastrophe" from social, political, economic
and ecological perspectives, revealing the damage
to the natural and social environment of China
that the China Communist Party caused during its
rule in the past several decades.
Organized democracy and human
rights movements in China are the main focus of
" Beijing Spring". In the past 2 years
a number of democracy activists outside of the
system in China have persisted in lawful dissident
activities, evolving later into public organization
of "China Democracy Party". The movement
was severely cracked down by the Communist Chinese
authorities. This is a major event from 1998 to
1999 in China 's political life. During the occurrence
and developing stage of this event, "Beijing
Spring" timely introduced developments in
the application and registration of "China
Democracy Party", released a series of reviews,
and published a special edition in the September
1998 issue of "Beijing Spring" on the
"Event of China Democracy Party". In
1999, "Beijing Spring" provided continuous
follow-up reports and reviews on this event. On
the February issue of that year, "Beijing
Spring" timely reported on the news of follow-up
hunger strike by 200 Chinese democracy activists
in support of the China Democracy Party, summarized
on the detailed process of the suppression of
the members of the China Democracy Party, released
the court decisions and the defending testimonies
of Wang Youcai and Xu Wenli in court, published
articles by the daughters of Xu Wenli and Qin
Yongmin, and related testimony of Yao Zhenxian,
a former China Democracy Party member in Shanghai
who just came to the United States. Later. "Beijing
Spring" published an article on revision
of the Constitution written by Gao Hongming, a
member of the China Democracy Party in Beijing
(April 1999), "Strategy of Governing the
Country in Peaceful Times" by Dong Shidong,
a member of the China Democracy Party in Hunan,
"Retrospect on Party Organization" by
Zhou Jianhe, a member of the China Democracy Party
in Shanghai, report by our journalist on Xie Wanjun,
representative figure of China Democracy Party
who just came to the United States (August issue),
court testimony of Cha J ianguo and Gao Hongming,
members of the China Democracy Party (October
issue). By doing so, the "Beijing Spring"
provided to the reader a panorama on the organization
and development of China Democracy Party.
A new wave of spiritual liberation
initiated by a number of liberal intellectuals
in the cultural and spiritual areas has been the
focus of interest in the media both in China and
overseas, as well as the major coverage of the
"Beijing Spring". On the January issue
of "Beijing Spring" in 1998, an introduction
was made on the "freelance author" that
appeared in China recently, which was written
by an author in Mainland China. On the February
issue, "Beijing Spring" published an
article named "China Needs New Changes",
which was written by Fang Jue, a pioneer of the
democratic faction within the Communist regime.
On the May issue of "Beijing Spring",
articles and pictures on the introduction of a
new wave of liberal ideology as initiated by the
"Beijing Spring", as originally published
on the "Far East Economic Review" of
Britain and "Newsweek" of the US, were
published. In addition, "Beijing Spring"
also published an article on liberalism by Liu
Jun Nin of Beijing (June issue), "China Needs
Deeper Spiritual Liberation" by Jiang Qisheng
and Su Chang (Septe
Jun. 2008
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Beijing spring Jun. 2008, Issue 181